WORKPLACE BULLYING – employeerightsnews.com http://employeerightsnews.com Just another WordPress site Fri, 13 May 2022 02:51:14 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.5.2 Workplace bully Sanders pressures Biden on Amazon unions: ‘The time for talk is over’ http://employeerightsnews.com/workplace-bully-sanders-pressures-biden-on-amazon-unions-the-time-for-talk-is-over/ Fri, 13 May 2022 02:51:14 +0000 https://employeerightsnews.com/?p=1191 Workplace bully

And asked if Biden has fallen short in his union support thus far as president, Sanders said bluntly in an interview: “Yes, he has.”

“President Biden has talked more about his support for unions than any president I can remember. That’s good. But the time for talk is over. Workers need action. Now,” Sanders said. “What Biden talked about during the campaign … is that if large corporations engage in illegal anti-union activity, they will not be eligible for federal contracts. Well, Amazon is engaged in illegal anti-union activity.”

Biden’s stated goal of becoming the “most pro-union president” has had mixed success.

The Senate has not passed the Protecting the Right to Organize Act that would enable more workers to form a union. But the union allies who helped win Biden the office say they have no buyers’ remorse, pointing to oft-unilateral actions such as appointing union-friendly nominees to the National Labor Relations Board, pushing for policies that would ensure federally funded projects go to contractors with unionized workforces and creating a task force to promote unionization in the public and private sectors.

Sanders often uses his senatorial perch to push Democratic presidents to the left. And with six months before the midterms, he believes that Biden has a big opportunity to deliver at a time of mounting unionization efforts nationwide.

“All I am asking the president to do is what he explicitly stated that he would do during the campaign. It’s the right thing to do. And this is a time when working people need to know that the president is on their side,” Sanders said in the interview.

A White House official said that the president “has stated consistently and firmly that every worker in every state must have a free and fair choice to join a union and the right to bargain collectively with their employer.” The official, who declined to be named, added that Biden believes “there should be no intimidation, no coercion, no threats, and no anti-union propaganda from employers while workers are making that vitally important choice about a union.”

Union allies are hailing Sanders moves this week as welcome moves to push Biden further. AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler said that “Biden has been, from the bully pulpit, supportive of Amazon workers.” But, she added, “could there be more? Always.”

“I’m glad the senator has weighed in, because we need voices from all corners coming down hard on Amazon’s union busting tactics,” Shuler said. “As we’re picking up momentum, it will be even more important to have that voice.”

Biden has not explicitly endorsed the fight to unionize Amazon — though he has been more vocal on the issue than his predecessors. The president released a video earlier this year at the onset of the first Amazon union election in Bessemer, Ala., implying his support for the push.

“Let me be really clear: It’s not up to me to decide whether anyone should join a union,” he said. “But let me be even more clear: It’s not up to an employer to decide that either.”

More recently, he told the North America’s Building Trades Union annual conference in D.C. this month that “the choice to join a union belongs to workers alone” before leaning into the mic and saying: “By the way, Amazon, here we come. Watch.”

“We need any kind of help from the federal level; that would actually make it much easier for us,” Alabama warehouse worker Isiah Thomas said Tuesday. “Because we’re trying our hardest, especially in Alabama.”

Fresh off visits to an Amazon warehouse in Staten Island, N.Y., and with Starbucks workers in Virginia, Sanders said that Amazon is essentially using its resources to elongate negotiations with warehouses that vote to unionize in order to prevent a contract from ever being ratified. Summing up their strategy, he said “they have unlimited resources, they’ll drag it out.”

At the Budget panel hearing next week, “we are going to determine how much federal money has gone to companies — not just Amazon, but primarily Amazon, who are engaging in illegal anti-union activities,” Sanders said.

Amazon declined to comment for this story.

Sanders pointed to the e-commerce giant’s recent anti-union behavior in Staten Island in particular. Workers at one of its facilities in that New York City borough voted last month to form Amazon’s first union.

There, Amazon spent millions in an attempt to discourage employees from organizing — a strategy that has paid off in Alabama, where an earlier unionization attempt proved unsuccessful. (The union representing those workers, the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, is in the process of challenging the results of a redo election amid allegations that Amazon again unlawfully intervened.)

“They bring people in, they work them as hard as they possibly can. And then a year later, these people are forced to leave and they bring in new people,” Sanders said. “That is the business model for Amazon, and workers are beginning to stand up.”

There are more than 50 unfair labor practice cases against Amazon pending before the NLRB, Sanders said. The NLRB did not immediately comment.

Sanders’ letter also raises concerns over Amazon’s classification of its drivers as independent contractors, rather than employees, which provides them with a narrower set of benefits while preventing them from forming a union. And he called out Amazon’s workplace safety policies, which he said are “inadequate.”

Employees at Amazon facilities sustained injuries at more than twice the rate of workers at other facilities in 2021, according to a Strategic Organizing Center analysis of Occupational Safety and Health Administration data. That year, Amazon employed one-third of all warehouse workers in the U.S. — but accounted for nearly half of all injuries in the sector.

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Workplace bully The Grand Old Meltdown http://employeerightsnews.com/workplace-bully-the-grand-old-meltdown/ Mon, 24 Aug 2020 09:17:12 +0000 http://employeerightsnews.com/?p=945 Workplace bully

I decided to call Frank Luntz. Perhaps no person alive has spent more time polling Republican voters and counseling Republican politicians than Luntz, the 58-year-old focus group guru. His research on policy and messaging has informed a generation of GOP lawmakers. His ability to translate between D.C. and the provinces—connecting the concerns of everyday people to their representatives in power—has been unsurpassed. If anyone had an answer, it would be Luntz.

“You know I don’t have a history of dodging questions. But I don’t know how to answer that. There is no consistent philosophy,” Luntz responded. “You can’t say it’s about making America great again at a time of Covid and economic distress and social unrest. It’s just not credible.”

Luntz thought for a moment. “I think it’s about promoting—” he stopped suddenly. “But I can’t, I don’t—” he took a pause. “That’s the best I can do.”

When I pressed, Luntz sounded as exasperated as the student whose question I was relaying. “Look, I’m the one guy who’s going to give you a straight answer. I don’t give a shit—I had a stroke in January, so there’s nothing anyone can do to me to make my life suck,” he said. “I’ve tried to give you an answer and I can’t do it. You can ask it any different way. But I don’t know the answer. For the first time in my life, I don’t know the answer.”

Every fourth summer, a presidential nominating convention gives occasion to appraise a party for its ideas, its principles, its vision for governing. Recent iterations of the GOP have been easily and expertly defined. Ronald Reagan’s party wanted to end the scourge of communism and slay the bureaucratic dragons of big government. George W. Bush’s party aimed to project compassion and fortitude, educating poor Americans and treating AIDS-stricken Africans while simultaneously confronting the advance of Islamic terrorism. However flawed the policies, however unsuccessful their execution, a tone was set in these parties from the top-down. They stood for something manifest, even if that something was not always (or even usually) practiced by members of the party.

“If you think about the Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution—they’re all about ideas. Parties were supposed to be about ideas,” said Mark Sanford, the former South Carolina governor and congressman who ran a short-lived primary against Trump in 2020. “John Adams was an ornery guy, but he believed in his ideas. On the other side, Thomas Jefferson, he certainly didn’t live up to the ideas he espoused, but shoot, at least he talked about them. Nowadays, it’s just regression to the lowest common denominator on everything. It scares me. You keep going this way of cult of personality, you will kill our Republic.”

It can now safely be said, as his first term in the White House draws toward closure, that Donald Trump’s party is the very definition of a cult of personality. It stands for no special ideal. It possesses no organizing principle. It represents no detailed vision for governing. Filling the vacuum is a lazy, identity-based populism that draws from that lowest common denominator Sanford alluded to. If it agitates the base, if it lights up a Fox News chyron, if it serves to alienate sturdy real Americans from delicate coastal elites, then it’s got a place in the Grand Old Party.

“Owning the libs and pissing off the media,” shrugs Brendan Buck, a longtime senior congressional aide and imperturbable party veteran if ever there was one. “That’s what we believe in now. There’s really not much more to it.”

With Election Day just a few months away, I was genuinely surprised, in the course of recent conversations with a great many Republicans, at their inability to articulate a purpose, a designation, a raison d’être for their party. Everyone understands that Trump is a big-picture sloganeer—“Build the wall!” “Make America Great Again!”— rather than a policy aficionado. Even so, it’s astonishing how conceptually lifeless the party has become on his watch. There is no blueprint to fix what is understood to be a broken immigration system. There is no grand design to modernize the nation’s infrastructure. There is no creative thinking about a conservative, market-based solution to climate change. There is no meaningful effort to address the cost of housing or childcare or college tuition. None of the erstwhile bold ideas proposed by the likes of Newt Gingrich and Paul Ryan—term limits, a balanced budget amendment, reforms to Social Security and Medicare, anti-poverty programs—have survived as serious proposals. Heck, even after a decade spent trying to repeal the Affordable Care Act, Republicans still have no plan to replace it. (Trust me: If they did, you’d hear about it.)

Is the cupboard totally bare? Of course not. Members of Congress employ legislative personnel for a purpose; there will always be paper packets gathering dust in subcommittee offices to ward off accusations of intellectual complacency. Some of these efforts are more earnest than others. These days, GOP lawmakers would point to bills touching on areas such as military readiness and intellectual property, which they consider pieces of a coherent and forward-looking national security policy. They would also admit, however, that these measures, which tend to attract bipartisan interest, are hardly the stuff of TV commercials and five-point campaign plans.

When I called one party elder, he joked that it’s a good thing Republicans decided not to write a new platform for the 2020 convention—because they have produced nothing novel since the last one was written. Trump and his party have relied more on squabbles than solutions in delivering for their base. Even some of the president’s staunchest supporters concede Buck’s point in this regard: The party is now defined primarily by its appetite for conflict, even when that conflict serves no obvious policy goal.

The result is political anarchy. Traditionally, the run-up to a convention sees a party attempting to tame rival factions and unite around a dynamic vision for the future. Instead, Republicans have spent the summer in a self-immolating downward spiral.

On Capitol Hill, several House Republicans berated a member of their leadership for defending the integrity of the nation’s top infectious disease expert amid a raging pandemic; one of them, days later, accosted a young Democratic congresswoman on the steps of the House, allegedly calling her a “fucking bitch,” while another one, who had proudly refused to wear a face covering around the Capitol, contracted Covid-19. Things weren’t much sunnier on the Senate side, where one Republican touted a new investigation that would “certainly help Donald Trump win reelection” while his GOP colleague concluded that a separate probe exonerated Trump’s campaign of wrongdoing in 2016 when it did precisely the opposite. Meanwhile, as party operatives worked feverishly to win ballot access for Kanye West, a bipolar Black celebrity who could ostensibly draw votes from Joe Biden, emerging victorious from at least three GOP primaries were congressional candidates who have expressed support for QAnon, the psychotic conspiracy theory that accuses Democrats and Hollywood elites of trafficking and cannibalizing young children. Given a chance to disavow this nascent movement, the president pleaded ignorance and, along with other party officials, embraced these candidates, even the self-described “proud Islamophobe” who has fantasized about immigrants dying en masse.

All the while, Trump kept busy suggesting a delay to the November election and predicting that the only way he will lose is if ballots are rigged against him. He repeatedly misstated the key statistics of the coronavirus and misleading citizens about its scale; condemned American cities to “rot” amid continued social unrest and violence; defended the Confederate Flag and suggested that the Civil Rights Act was a mistake; promised a “full and complete health care plan” that never materialized; declined to attend the Capitol funeral of civil rights icon and beloved congressman John Lewis; dog-whistled to white suburbanites that Black and brown people are readying an “invasion” of their neighborhoods if Biden wins; extended well-wishes to Ghislaine Maxwell, who stands accused of running Jeffrey Epstein’s underage sex-trafficking ring; pondered a sabotage of the United States Postal Service for the purpose of suppressing absentee votes; warned that Biden, a lifelong Roman Catholic, is “against God” and will “hurt God” if elected; indulged an encore presentation of birther speculation, this time with regards to Kamala Harris, the California-born Democratic V.P. nominee; and, naturally, pressured the governor of South Dakota to make room for him on Mount Rushmore.

This is not a party struggling to find its identity. This is a party in the middle of a meltdown.

***

The verdict I’m rendering here is both observable in plain sight and breathtakingly obvious to anyone who has experienced the carnage up close. Some Republicans don’t want to see the wheels coming off and therefore insist that everything is fine; others are not only comfortable with the chaos but believe it to be their salvation. In either case, these groups are the minority. Most of the party’s governing class sees perfectly well what is going on. They know exactly how bad things are and how much worse they could yet be. Even as they attempt to distract from the wreckage, redirecting voters’ gaze toward those dastardly Democratic socialists and reminding them of the binary choice before them, these Republicans rue their predicament but see no way out of it. Like riders on a derailing rollercoaster, they brace for a crash but dare not get off.

Having written the book on the making of the modern Republican Party, having spent hundreds of hours with its most powerful officials in public and private settings, I cannot possibly exaggerate the number of party leaders who have told me they worry both about Trump’s instability and its long-term implication for the GOP. Not that any of this should come as a surprise. There’s a reason Lindsey Graham called Trump “crazy,” a “bigot” and a “kook” who’s “unfit for office.” There’s a reason Ted Cruz called Trump “a pathological liar” and “a narcissist at a level I don’t think this country’s ever seen.” There’s a reason Marco Rubio observed that, “Every movement in human history that has been built on a foundation of anger and fear has been cataclysmic,” and warned of Trump’s rise, “This isn’t going to end well.”

Of course, these are the before” photos. The “after” shots reflect only the slightest hints of skepticism from these and other Republicans who once denounced Trump but now strain to avoid the wrath of the president and his minions. The rest of the right-wing universe—conservative media, think tanks, activist organizations, financial networks, civic groups, voters themselves—has largely gone along for the ride, and for the same reason: “What about the Democrats?” It’s true that the post-Obama party has stretched its ideological spectrum; it’s also true that Biden’s nomination, on top of the 2018 election results, revealed a Democratic coalition still anchored by the center-left. Not that any such nuance matters. To be a Republican today requires you to exist in a constant state of moral relativism, turning every chance at self-analysis into an assault on the other side, pretending the petting zoo next door is comparable to the three-ring circus on your front lawn.

The spectacle is unceasing. One day it’s a former top administration official going public with Trump’s stated unwillingness to extend humanitarian aid to California because it’s politically blue and Puerto Rico because it’s “poor” and “dirty.” The next day it’s Trump launching a boycott of Goodyear Tire, a storied American company that employs 65,000 people, for one store’s uneven ban on political apparel in the workplace. A day later it’s Steve Bannon, the president’s former chief strategist, getting rung up on charges of swindling donors out of money for the private construction of a border wall, money he allegedly spent on yachts and luxury living. It was just the latest in a string of arrests that leave Trump looking eerily similar to the head of a criminal enterprise. What all of these incidents and so many more have in common is that not a single American’s life has been improved; not a single little guy has been helped. Just as with the forceful dispersing of peaceful protesters in Lafayette Park—done so he could hold up a prop Bible for flashing cameras—Trump and his allies continue to wage symbolic battles whose principal casualties are ordinary people.

How to process such nihilism? It can be tempting, given that Trump is the fount from which so much of the madness flows, to draw a distinction between the president and his party, between Trumpism and Republicanism. It is also fair to examine the difference between local party politics and national party politics. But these distinctions grow blurrier by the day. At issue is not simply the constant enabling and justifying of the president’s conduct by GOP officials at every level of government, but also the rate at which copycats and clones are emerging. Sure, moderate governors like Larry Hogan of Maryland and Charlie Baker of Massachusetts prove the truism that all politics are local, but so do radical state party chairmen like Kelli Ward of Arizona and Allen West of Texas. Unsavory fringe characters have always looked for ways to penetrate the mainstream of major parties—and mostly, they have failed. What would result from a fringe character leading a party always remained an open question. It has now been asked and answered: Some in the party have embraced the extreme, others in the party have blushed at it, but all of them have subjugated themselves to it. The same way a hothead coach stirs indiscipline in his players, the same way a renegade commander invites misconduct from his troops, a kamikaze president inspires his party to pursue martyrdom.

That is precisely what will be on display at this week’s Republican convention—martyrdom, grievance, victimhood. Oh, there will be touting of tax cuts, celebrating of conservative judges, boasting of border security. But accomplishment will not be the sole undertone of the proceedings. The party of rugged individualism will spend as much time whining as reveling. Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the St. Louis couple who pointed guns at Black Lives Matter protesters, will be given precious speaking time, as will Nick Sandmann, the MAGA-clad high school kid who was defamed after a confrontation on the National Mall went viral. Other headliners will take turns bemoaning media bias, denouncing the obstructionist Democrats, cursing the unfair timing of the coronavirus, decrying their loss of culture, rebuking corporate America for kneeling at the altar of social justice and accusing the Deep State of stacking the deck against them.

It’s not that America won’t hear from serious Republicans who have real substance to offer, people like Senator Tim Scott and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley. It’s that these two, along with the remnant of other sober-minded Republicans, are the new sideshow at a time when the old sideshow has moved to center stage.

Similarly, the problem for the party isn’t that the aforementioned complaints are entirely without merit. It’s that they form no part of a broader construct on which voters can be sold. This continues to be the bane of the GOP’s existence: The party is so obsessed with fighting that it has lost sight of what it’s fighting for.

“I think I have brought tremendous strength back to the party,” the president told me last year, arguing that previous GOP leaders lacked the stomach for gruesome political combat. There is no denying Trump has transformed the party from a country club debater into a barroom brawler. But to what end?

Consider the case of Goodyear Tire. The company recently came under fire after one of its locations introduced a policy that allowed employees to wear apparel with slogans supporting Black Lives Matter but not Blue Lives Matter. Also banned, in addition to the pro-police attire, was any Trump gear, including Make America Great Again hats. With the outcry swelling on social media, the president couldn’t resist jumping in. “Don’t buy GOODYEAR TIRES – They announced a BAN ON MAGA HATS. Get better tires for far less!” Trump tweeted.

The silliness of this defies description. For one thing, using the bully pulpit some 70 days before the election to blackball an iconic American brand—one headquartered in the swing state of Ohio—is political malpractice, particularly given this year’s sweeping economic disruption. (Goodyear shares fell 6 percent the day of Trump’s tweet.) Moreover, Trump missed the point of the uproar. Instead of seizing on the chance to affirm his support for law enforcement, wielding the incident as proof of a creeping anti-police prejudice, he made it all about himself. When Goodyear’s corporate office intervened, reversing the store’s policy to allow Blue Lives Matter apparel (but not Trump wear), it was celebrated as a triumph by conservatives. “Goodyear Caves to President Trump, Reverses Ban on Blue Lives Matter at Workplace,” read a headline from The Gateway Pundit, a far-right blog that posted at least four stories about the tire tiff.

But where, exactly, was the victory? Some mechanics in Topeka can once again wear their preferred shirts. But no progress was made on the underlying problem of race relations. Nothing was done to strengthen the trust between law enforcement and their communities. Nowhere was a policy remedy advanced or a cultural reconciliation advocated. It was simply another political hit-and-run, Republicans fighting cancel culture with cancel culture, satisfied to cater to the few rather than build a coalition around the many.

“I think to myself in situations like this, what would Ronald Reagan do?” said Chip Roy, a freshman congressman from Texas. “The difference is, he would have a speech somewhere at some rally or some event. He would make a joke, some Reaganesque quip, that would put Goodyear in their place while making a larger point. But I don’t believe for a minute that he would ignore it, either. He wouldn’t be OK with corporate warlords bending us to their will.”

Roy’s point—that Reagan would have kept the matter in perspective, wielding it subtly to advance his loftier aims—is probably right. Still, that no Republicans seemed upset with Trump for bullying yet another business was stunning. What happened to not picking winners and losers? This was why I’d called Roy. He occupies a unique space inside the party—a lawyer and fiery constitutionalist who was Cruz’s Senate chief of staff and a fierce Trump critic in 2016 but now a congressman in a purple district who can’t afford to alienate the president’s supporters. Still, Roy is as close to a plainspoken conservative Republican as there is in Congress. I was curious to know how he would define today’s GOP.

“Our central mission is to stand up for America. It’s to say loudly and proudly that we choose America. When I go around talking to Texans every single day, what I hear is that they’re proud of this country. And they want us to fight for this country. That’s what ties it all together for Republicans,” Roy said. “The people I talk to—even the ones who maybe get a little frustrated with the president—they look at him as someone who fights for this country.”

There is a place in politics for fighting—and, yes, for culture wars. Some of the great policy debates of this century, from abortion to same-sex marriage to marijuana legalization, were shaped more by social movements than policy debates. The problem for Republicans is that most of the fights they’re picking nowadays are futile at best and foolhardy at worst. NASCAR? Confederate flags? Goya beans? Face masks? To the degree any of these issues move the needle politically, Republicans are on the wrong side of them. What’s worse, there is no connective tissue. There is no focus to the GOP’s incessant appetite for fighting. That’s how they wound up with Trump in the first place. That’s how they’re winding up with people like Marjorie Taylor Greene and Laura Loomer. When your war is boundless and undefined, you end up sharing foxholes with some pretty weird allies.

“The GOP has been here before with John Birchers and it didn’t end well,” said Ben Sasse, the Nebraska senator who has been a vocal if terribly inconsistent Trump critic. “The party of Lincoln and Reagan ought to have something big and bold to offer the country, but it’s got way too many grifters selling grievance politics.”

To be clear, these grifters aren’t just shady party operatives and obscure congressional candidates. They are some of the president’s closest allies, people like Matt Gaetz, the cartoonish Florida congressman who is self-grooming as an heir to the MAGA empire. Gaetz knows there is no downside, at least not in his district, to embracing the likes of Greene and Loomer. These candidates didn’t win primaries in spite of their absurdity; they won because of their absurdity.

Whenever I watch Gaetz—who has used his platform to publicly intimidate a federal witness, to host a Holocaust denier as his State of the Union guest, to wear a gas mask around Capitol Hill in a mockery of the Covid-19 threat—I am reminded of the admonition offered by his father, longtime Florida state Senator Don Gaetz, at Jeb Bush’s campaign launch in July 2015. “We cannot save this country,” the elder Gaetz declared, “with politicians who have no principles.”

***

If there is one principle driving Republican politicians today, it is that traditional American values—faith, patriotism, modesty, the nuclear family—are under siege. There is no use adjudicating this dispute or enumerating the ways in which Trump has himself undermined these ethics. Rather, what’s fascinating to observe is the shift in priorities and proportionality. What was once a source of annoyance and frustration for one sect of the party, social conservatives, has turned into the dominant lifeforce for the GOP. The good news for Republicans is that “grievance politics,” as Sasse describes it, continues to be highly effective in motivating their base. The bad news? It has diminishing returns when it comes to the many millions of persuadable voters in the middle. It’s also especially difficult for an incumbent party to sell grievance to the masses, as it amounts to a tacit acknowledgment of powerlessness. This is perhaps the most baffling aspect of the GOP’s approach to 2020: Instead of downplaying the social upheaval, treating it as a fleeting phenomenon that will pass with time and promising better days ahead, they are highlighting it at every turn, claiming it’s a sneak preview of Biden’s America when it is, factually speaking, the feature presentation of Trump’s America.

“This election feels to me a lot like 1980,” said Whit Ayres, one of the country’s best Republican pollsters. “We had the Iranian hostage crisis, double digit inflation and unemployment. It just felt like events were spinning out of control and the president had little ability to effect positive outcomes.”

Ayres added, “There were doubts about whether Reagan was a credible alternative. They had one debate and Reagan came across as credible—and the dam broke. There are similar doubts about Joe Biden now; not his experience, but his ability to do the job. Can he persuade voters that he is up to the challenge?”

The Democratic nominee took a giant step in that direction last week, capping his party’s impressive virtual convention with easily the finest speech of his entire 2020 campaign. Having soared over the pathetically low bar Trump and his fellow savants set with allegations of senility, Biden has enhanced his credibility and kept the election, for now, a referendum on the beleaguered incumbent.

The pressure is now entirely on Trump. And he won’t have much help. Unlike his opponent, who enlisted a number of broadly popular advocates to vouch for him during the Democratic convention, the president has a thin roster of speakers who can appeal beyond the party base. People like Gaetz and Trump’s kids and the St. Louis artillerists have little capacity to calm a shaken electorate. That sort of reassurance could come from party elders, authority figures such as John Kasich, John Boehner, Mitt Romney and Jeb and George W. Bush.

But those leading Republicans won’t be speaking on behalf of their party this week. Kasich already defected, endorsing Biden during a dramatic speech to the Democratic convention. And neither Romney nor Boehner nor either of the Bushes would speak even if asked. From what I’ve been told, none of them plan to vote for Trump this fall, and the chief reason they won’t say so publicly is they fear it would diminish their influence over the party moving forward.

That might sound strange, a bunch of Republican graybeards past their primes yet still playing the long game. Then again, the future of the party could arrive very soon. A Republican collapse this fall—Biden wins the White House, Democrats flip the Senate and hold the House—would trigger a reckoning within the GOP every bit as sharp as the one associated with Obama’s takeover of Washington in 2008. If that occurs, much of the party’s pent-up irritation with Trump (which often masks long-simmering disgust with themselves) will spill over, and the efforts to expunge this ugly chapter of GOP history could commence with stunning ferocity.

“We have an amazing ability to forget the past and to renew politically. And part of the reason is because we just love to kick out the losers,” said Arthur Brooks, the longtime American Enterprise Institute president who now teaches classes on leadership, business and happiness at Harvard. “So, if Trump loses, a lot of the people who were like, ‘We love Trump!’ are now like, “I never really liked them.’ And that’s just who we really are—political shape-shifters.”

There is no guarantee of this, however. Trump claims an intensity among his following that stacks up against any leader in American history. (“We’ve never seen anything like it,” Luntz said. “It’s like Elvis and the Beatles wrapped up in one.”) At the same time, a Democratic rout in November would come at the expense of Congress’s most moderate Republicans, leaving the GOP ranks smaller but far more concentrated with Trump loyalists. There would be little incentive for these politicians, hailing from the reddest areas on the map, to turn on a president their constituents adore—no matter how badly he loses the popular vote or Electoral College.

Overlooked is the real possibility that Trump could win. That Biden has not built a runaway lead despite enormous advantages—chief among them, the president’s poor playing of a terrible election-year hand—speaks to the effectiveness of Trump’s slash-and-burn mentality. Even as he has failed to win over a majority of voters, he has succeeded in giving them pause about his opponent. It is no small irony that while Trump’s party has no big ideas of its own to peddle, he relies heavily on the bold progressive plans of the left to caricature Biden—all while the Democratic nominee distances himself from ideas like Medicare for All and a Green New Deal.

Brooks, who has so often been a lonely beacon of intellectualism on the American right, advocating a moral politics that emphasizes helping the vulnerable instead of wrestling the left, remains sanguine about the situation. However long Trump remains in office, whatever damage he does to the GOP, Brooks believes it will be temporary. It’s the “fundamental truth” of a two-party system, he said, that coalitions are constantly shifting, parties are continually renewing, politicians are eternally looking for ways to adapt and survive.

“I actually find it kind of reassuring. With McGovern in 1972, it was a colossal wipeout with a hugely mistaken candidate who was completely out of step with mainstream public opinion. Then in 1976, Jimmy Carter, an honest to goodness progressive, wins,” Brooks said. “I mean, Richard Nixon gets tossed out of office for blatant corruption. Everybody’s heading for the hills saying, ‘I never voted for him! I’m not a Republican!’ And six years later, Ronald Reagan wins and then gets reelected in one of the biggest landslides in history. These things can heal really, really fast.”

For Republicans, this might be the only silver lining of the summer of 2020. The meltdown we’re witnessing is foul and frightening. It could result in catastrophic losses up and down the ballot this fall. It could also result in Trump’s reelection. In either case, Republicans would do well to remember that he won’t be president forever, that his grip on the base will come and go, that win or lose there is urgent and essential work to do if the party is to be rescued from itself.

“Healthy parties need to build coalitions around a shared vision that speaks to all Americans,” Sasse told me. “Our current course is unsustainable. We’ve got a hell of a rebuilding ahead of us, whatever happens in November.”

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Workplace bully Opinion | We Can Do More to Protect Workers Fighting Covid-19 http://employeerightsnews.com/workplace-bully-opinion-we-can-do-more-to-protect-workers-fighting-covid-19/ Wed, 08 Apr 2020 06:15:10 +0000 http://employeerightsnews.com/?p=395 Workplace bully

A sign acknowledging the work of doctors and nurses is posted on a traffic control box outside Brooklyn Hospital Center in New York. | Kathy Willens/AP Photo

David Michaels served as assistant secretary of Labor for occupational safety and health from 2009 to 2017. He is professor of environmental and occupational health at the Milken Institute School of Public Health, George Washington University, and is the author of The Triumph of Doubt: Dark Money and the Science of Deception.

Almost exactly 10 years ago, on April 20, 2010, the Deepwater Horizon oil rig exploded, killing 11 workers and seriously injuring 17 more. To clean it up, BP hired more than 40,000 local residents to remove oil from the beaches and shoreline. They would be working under the blistering summer sun, greatly increasing their risk of heat-related disease or death.

I ran the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration from 2009 through January 2017. Long before the oil reached the Gulf Coast shores, I flew to Louisiana and met with leaders of the Coast Guard, the Environmental Protection Agency and other agencies to plan the multiagency effort to ensure that BP protected those workers’ safety and health. OSHA adapted heat disease prevention policies used by the U.S. military to protect soldiers deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, and pushed BP to comply with them. The rules included extensive rest breaks in the shade, and liquids for rehydration. We had no legal authority to do so, but BP complied—and over the four-month effort, not a single worker was seriously sickened or killed by heat.

This year, a new crisis has put a much bigger swath of the workforce—far more Americans, in many industries—unexpectedly in harm’s way. Millions of American workers are literally risking their lives every day on the job, saving desperately ill patients, ensuring food and medicine get to our stores and homes, and keeping the public safe. Every day there are reports of physicians, nurses, police and emergency responders, even bus drivers, who have died from Covid-19 after their employers failed to implement appropriate infection control measures or provide the adequate respiratory protection or sanitary facilities needed to prevent exposure in the course of their work.

Yet OSHA, the federal agency under the Department of Labor charged with protecting these workers, is almost completely missing from the federal response to the Covid-19 pandemic.

Instead of pressing employers on worker safety, Secretary of Labor Eugene Scalia and President Donald Trump’s political appointees at the Labor Department have decided to tell workers there is little OSHA can do because it has no standard covering airborne infectious diseases. The law prohibits employers from retaliating against workers for raising safety and health concerns, yet when workers are fired for lodging complaints about safety conditions in their hospitals or warehouses, this administration has been mute.

Existing OSHA regulations require a minimal effort of employers, such as providing soap and water, but I have yet to hear anyone from the Labor Department or the White House announce this fact to the public. Instead, workers in a wide range of industries who face the risk of fatal infection have taken matters into their own hands, launching job actions and strikes to force their employers into providing even basic protections.

We need more than guidance.

OSHA can, and should, be front and center in our efforts to protect these truly essential workers. The agency’s dedicated career staff has great expertise in worker protection, and the agency has issued useful guidance about Covid-19. But guidance is nonenforceable. This is simply shameful.

That’s because besides using its bully pulpit, OSHA has clear options for how to help. It could start by announcing that, using the general duty clause of the OSHA law, the agency will now issue citations against employers who egregiously fail to follow guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. News coverage of these citations would have a huge effect—a recent study reported one OSHA news release is as effective as 210 inspections in reducing workplace hazards.

For health care workers, the most important single action OSHA could and should take right now is to issue an emergency temporary infectious disease standard, requiring health care institutions to develop and implement infection-control plans that follow CDC guidance. (When Congress returns from its recess, it will consider legislation requiring OSHA to issue such a standard.)

In crises, OSHA generally does not issue fines except in cases in which the employer puts its workers at extreme risk. Hospitals that try but fail to obtain needed protective equipment would not be penalized. But the existence of a standard, backed up by the threat of inspections, would motivate many employers to better protect their workers.

I know OSHA could issue this emergency standard with little difficulty because we began drafting such a rule during my tenure. Three years ago, the new administration launched a massive deregulatory effort, halting all work on the infectious disease rule and many other protections.

The larger concern is that OSHA is suffering from malign neglect, reflecting the low regard the president has for the health and safety of the nation’s workers. The agency has not had an assistant secretary—the person who actually runs the agency day to day—since I left 39 months ago. There hasn’t even been a nominee for the position in almost a year. Half of the senior executive positions are empty, and, while the nation’s workforce has gotten much larger, the size of the inspectorate is the smallest it has been in more than 40 years. It would take 165 years for OSHA to inspect every workplace under its jurisdiction just one time.

The Trump administration should not wait for Congress to force it to take badly needed action. This crisis has demonstrated the vital importance of a safe and healthy workforce. OSHA is the only federal agency with the authority and expertise to ensure that worker protection is not sacrificed in the efforts to tame this epidemic and can accomplish this using modest and mostly nonpunitive tools. The administration needs to do its part so every worker who risks their life taking care of patients or stocking our stores or harvesting our crops is able to survive this terrible pandemic, safe and healthy.

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Workplace bully POLITICO Playbook: Impeachment’s trench warfare http://employeerightsnews.com/workplace-bully-politico-playbook-impeachments-trench-warfare/ Mon, 09 Dec 2019 08:56:44 +0000 http://employeerightsnews.com/?p=52 Workplace bully

LET’S STEP BACK FOR ONE SECOND AND TAKE STOCK OF WHERE WE ARE …

— IMPEACHMENT HASN’T WON ANY CONVERTS … Despite hours and hours of testimony, reams of coverage and enough background briefings to make your eyes bleed, nobody is changing any votes here. At least not on Capitol Hill, where both sides are dug in and digging deeper.

TOP HOUSE REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS told us Tuesday that not a single Republican is currently at risk of turning against President DONALD TRUMP. Again, may we repeat: As of right now, every single Republican would vote against impeachment in the House, multiple senior-level GOP lawmakers and aides told us. Internally, in the House GOP, there is exceeding confidence either that TRUMP didn’t do anything wrong, or that if he did, it’s not impeachable. (Although no one can say the latter, lest they risk ire from the president.) No endangered lawmakers are jittery, no retiring lawmakers are at risk of crossing over, and no one from the rank and file is, either. This is according to multiple people who are tracking public statements and private sentiments.

— HOUSE DEMOCRATS have long come to the conclusion that their Republican colleagues are not operating on the level, and believe the GOP’s sole goal is complete and total defense of TRUMP. They find themselves having to blast through what they see as sideshows, misdirection and a smear campaign to keep the narrative they have worked to build. And, despite what Speaker NANCY PELOSI says publicly, every single Democrat we speak to is completely certain that they will impeach TRUMP. No more facts are needed, they say.

— BUT … THE HEARINGS HAVE BEEN A SLOG — important, but a slog. The hours upon hours of testimony have unearthed compelling evidence for Democrats, even if it’s not in the 30-second bites that our contemporary politics demand. Democrats have been forced to compress the entire impeachment process into a few months, which makes for a dizzying amount of testimony in a short period of time.

EVEN SO, Democrats are methodically building a case, piling up evidence that will eventually be tested in the Judiciary Committee, where the articles of impeachment will come together. Sure, the hearings have proven dense, long and at times confusing — even for those who are steeped in the subject matter. But, even in a Washington that’s been chewed up and spit out by TRUMP, the hearings are a throwback, of sorts, to yesteryear. They have mostly gone off without a hitch. There’s been no storming the doors, no massive waves of interruption. Just hours of Democrats trying to prove their argument, and equal time of Republicans trying to dismantle those same points.

— STILL, the process has its challenges. Viewers might tune in and see both sides hearing whatever they want to hear in each testimony. For example, either Lt. Col. ALEXANDER VINDMAN was a heroic war veteran who called out irregular behavior when he heard it. Or he was an attention-hungry résumé inflator who hated TRUMP and undermined his policies.

SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT AND POTENTIALLY IMPACTFUL MOMENTS have come at the least opportune times. House Intel Chairman ADAM SCHIFF’S (D-Calif.) closing Tuesday — which came late in the evening — was incredibly powerful. He made the case that Republicans haven’t defended the president’s behavior — mostly true — but, instead, have sought to out the people who ratted on him. SCHIFF: “That’s [Republicans’] objection. Not that the president engaged in this conduct, but that he got caught. Their defense is: Well, he ended up releasing the aid. Yes, after he got caught. That doesn’t make this any less odious.” Clip, via ABC

ALL THIS SAID, so much comes down to today, when GORDON SONDLAND, the ambassador to the E.U., comes to the Capitol to testify. Theoretically, he should be a great witness for Democrats: He’s the man who, in their telling, was leading the effort to get Ukraine to commit to investigating the Bidens in exchange for aid and a visit with Trump.

HERE IS THE REPUBLICAN GAME PLAN TO DISCREDIT SONDLAND: The GOP will try to paint Sondland as a political hack who was carrying out what he thought TRUMP wanted, but not what the president told him directly. RUDY GIULIANI, Republicans will try to say, was making most of the orders, and maybe Trump was asking about them, but he was not directly giving them. Sondland’s testimony is full of holes; it’s already been corrected and questioned by other witnesses. REPUBLICANS feel that if they can inject enough doubt about Sondland’s credibility, they can undermine some of the larger arguments about the substance. Republicans — especially in the White House — are exceedingly uncomfortable with Sondland, and unsure what he will say.

DEMOCRATS, of course, have a different game plan. That is to show that Sondland was, in fact, the agent TRUMP was using to carry out his “shadow foreign policy.” He spoke to the president — there are witnesses to that. But it’s by no means clear how forthcoming he’ll be about those encounters, let alone whether he’ll make a compelling witness in general. (h/ts John Bresnahan, Kyle Cheney and Heather Caygle, who, as always, helped sharpen this top)

KYLE CHENEY brings it all together on Sondland: “There’s a Gordon Sondland-sized gap in the House’s impeachment inquiry.

“The unconventional ambassador to the European Union — deployed by President Donald Trump to help squeeze Ukraine to investigate his political adversaries — has been the omnipresent shadow behind the series of witnesses who have testified publicly so far.

“In fact, across nearly 12 hours of testimony on Tuesday by four witnesses — in turns exhausting, exhilarating and excruciating — Democrats and Republicans really succeeded only in underscoring the growing set of unknowns that can be resolved by Sondland on Wednesday.

“He’s the inexplicable actor who confounded career diplomats and seemed to push an agenda that wasn’t shared by the officials actually carrying out U.S. foreign policy — but often seemed aligned with Trump’s own private views on Ukraine. He’s the force behind many of the moments that led more practiced foreign policy hands like Fiona Hill to alert national security lawyers.” POLITICO

— QUOTE OF THE DAY, from a Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) who clearly thinks Sondland is going to struggle for Democrats, via WaPo’s Aaron Davis and Rachael Bade: “‘The impeachment effort comes down to one guy, Ambassador Sondland,’ said Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), who like many Republicans has argued that only a first-person account of Trump leveraging U.S. power for personal gain could give Democrats grounds to impeach. ‘All the other testimony has a Sondland core to it and a Sondland connection.’” WaPo

Good Wednesday morning.

WRAPPING UP TUESDAY IN TWO PARAGRAPHS, by NYT’s Nick Fandos and Mike Shear on A1: “Two White House national security officials testified before the House’s impeachment inquiry on Tuesday that President Trump’s request to Ukraine’s president to investigate Democratic rivals was inappropriate, and one of them said it validated his ‘worst fear’ that American policy toward that country would veer off course.

“Hours later, two more witnesses — another former White House national security official and a former top American diplomat — charted a more careful course but said under oath that the president’s requests on a July 25 phone call with President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine were not in line with American national security goals.” NYT

NYT’S PETER BAKER on the White House dogging its own current staffers.

— WAPO: “Judge intends to rule by Monday on House subpoena to Donald McGahn,” by Spencer Hsu: “A federal judge said she intends to rule no later than the end of the day Monday on whether former White House counsel Donald McGahn must testify under subpoena to Congress, after the House Judiciary Committee asked her to accelerate a decision because it aims to call him after the current round of public impeachment hearings finish in December.

“U.S. District Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson of Washington entered an order Tuesday about her deadline intent ‘absent unforeseen circumstances’ shortly after a filing from House General Counsel Douglas N. Letter arguing last week’s opening of the hearings before the House Intelligence Committee was grounds for urgency.” WaPo

THEY’LL DO ANYTHING FOR TRUMP, BUT THEY WON’T DO THAT … MEL ZANONA: “Republicans reject Trump’s attacks on impeachment witnesses”: “While Republicans have shown zero signs of breaking with President Donald Trump when it comes to impeachment itself, GOP lawmakers are also making it clear they’re unwilling to fully embrace Trump’s scorched-earth defense tactics, which have centered — at least in part — on tearing down his critics, sometimes against the advice of his own allies and advisers.”

— “Chris Murphy offers House investigators own account of Ukraine visit,” by Marianne LeVine: “Sen. Chris Murphy, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, sent a letter Tuesday night to House investigators offering his own analysis of his September visit to Ukraine.

“Murphy’s letter comes one day after Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) sent a letter to House Republicans that recounted the same September visit and questioned the credibility of Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, a Ukraine specialist with the National Security Council.” POLITICO

STILL?!?!? … L.A. TIMES: “$35 million in Pentagon aid hasn’t reached Ukraine, despite White House assurances,” by Molly O’Toole and Sarah Wire: “[T]he defense funding for Ukraine remains in U.S. accounts, according to the document. It’s not clear why the money hasn’t been released, and members of Congress are demanding answers.”

STEPPING BACK INTO WHAT SEEMS LIKE ANOTHER CENTURY … “Boehner returns to Capitol transformed from heated partisanship to cauldron of constitutional standoff,” by WaPo’s Paul Kane: “Boehner, who turned 70 Sunday, returned on Tuesday to a very different Capitol, one that had transformed from the heated partisan battles during his nearly five years as speaker into a complete cauldron caught in a constitutional standoff.” WaPo

DAILY RUDY — “Federal prosecutors to interview Ukrainian gas executive as part of probe into Giuliani and his associates,” by WaPo’s Tom Hamburger and Ros Helderman: “Federal prosecutors scrutinizing President Trump’s personal attorney Rudolph W. Giuliani and two of his associates are to question a top executive of Ukraine’s state-owned gas company Thursday about his encounters with those associates as the pair pursued energy deals in Ukraine this year.

“The executive of the Ukrainian company, Andrew Favorov, an American citizen, agreed to meet with prosecutors for the Southern District of New York who had asked to speak with him about his experiences with the two men, Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman.” WaPo

2020 WATCH … DEBATE NIGHT EDITION …

NEW … POLITICO’S 2020 ELECTION FORECAST: “Introducing POLITICO’s 2020 Election Forecast: ratings for every national contest, from all 538 votes in the Electoral College, down to the 435 House districts — and everything in between.”

— “‘Everyone’s going to come for Pete’: Buttigieg faces debate spotlight,” by Elena Schneider in Atlanta: “Pete Buttigieg will take the stage at Wednesday’s debate as a serious threat to the top Democratic presidential candidates for the first time. And that makes the debate a serious threat for him.

“The South Bend, Ind., mayor, is riding his best poll numbers yet in Iowa and New Hampshire — running in a tight pack with Joe Biden, Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders in many polls and even pulling into 10-point leads in recent surveys from The Des Moines Register and St. Anselm College.

“But that surge in the early states comes with the glare of additional scrutiny, including on his struggles appealing to African American voters in other states, and the growing likelihood of attacks from Democratic opponents eager to blunt Buttigieg’s rise and regain momentum of their own.” POLITICONYT: “Next Democratic Debate: Top Four vs. Everyone Else”

JOHN HARRIS COLUMN: “The question for Democrats: Why do you suck?”: “‘Now,’ says the moderator, turning to the camera, ‘we’d like to turn this portion of the debate over to the people who matter most — that’s you, our audience.

“‘We have a question via Facebook from a viewer who lives in Washington, D.C., and says he’s really struggling. His kids go to Sidwell, which is, like, you know, not cheap. He served in the last two Democratic administrations and now is a self-employed consultant. He’s got a bunch of clients — mostly corporate, a little foreign, nothing too sleazy — for 10 grand each a month. It’s okay but dull and he’s desperate to return to government once Democrats are back in power.

“‘His question — for all the candidates please — is: “Why do you suck so badly?”’ It’s possible, of course, that the candidates will refuse to accept the premise. After all, an NBC/Wall Street Journal poll last month showed 85 percent of Democrats actually are very or somewhat satisfied with the candidate field.

“Make no mistake, however, this imaginary debate questioner is not really a figment of imagination. More like a composite of real people in the Washington political class who generate skeptical static in phone calls and emails and lunches with other operatives and with journalists who write stories like this one.” POLITICO

— NEW: CHRISTINA FREUNDLICH is joining Amy Klobuchar’s 2020 campaign as deputy director of early states. Freundlich served as Hillary Clinton’s 2016 Iowa general election communications director and in 2014 as Iowa Democratic Party communications director.

TRUMP’S WEDNESDAY — The president will leave the White House at 10:45 a.m. en route to Austin, Texas. He will arrive at Flextronics International at 2:05 p.m. Central time and will take a tour of the Apple manufacturing plant at 2:20 p.m. Afterward, he will return to Washington.

NYT’S ANNIE KARNI and MAGGIE HABERMAN: “After Keeping a Careful Distance From Trump, Nikki Haley Is All In”: “Ms. Haley remains close with the president’s daughter Ivanka and her husband, Jared Kushner, and they warned her to be more careful talking about Mr. Trump, according to two people familiar with the conversation. A spokeswoman for Ms. Haley said she never received such a warning.” NYT

UH OH … WSJ: “Stalled U.S.-China Trade Talks Raise Threat of Another Impasse.” by William Mauldin and Josh Zumbrun

WAPO’S JOSH ROGIN in Bangkok: “Esper: ‘We’re not the ones looking for a Cold War’ with China”: “In an interview, [Defense Secretary Mark] Esper told me that the region is waking up to Beijing’s use of its rising power and influence to bully smaller countries and abuse the international system — contrary to the Chinese government’s protestations that it aims for a ‘peaceful rise.’

“‘When we talk about the rules-based order, they clearly want to change the rules of the game, to favor them. They don’t like what was set up in the aftermath of World War II,’ Esper said. ‘They are either trying to manipulate the rules-based order or use it against us and other countries to advance their own agenda.’” WaPo

UP IN SMOKE … “House panel approves sweeping vaping ban as Trump effort stalls,” by Sarah Owermohle: “A House panel on Tuesday advanced a sweeping ban on flavored tobacco — including vaping products — as Democrats condemned President Donald Trump’s decision to stall his plans for muscular restrictions amid lobbying from political allies and the vape industry.

“The bill approved by the House Energy and Commerce Committee is far more aggressive than the ban Trump proposed two months ago to combat surging public health crises tied to vaping. The Democrats’ measure, approved on a 28-24 vote mostly along party lines, would ban all flavored tobacco products, raise the purchasing age to 21 nationwide, and ban online sales in a bid to curb teen tobacco use, particularly of vaping products.

“The legislation has gained momentum in the House as federal research showed teen vaping rates continuing to soar and as a vaping-linked lung disease swept across the country. Democrats also said the bill took on new importance in light of Trump’s refusal to move forward on the flavor ban he promised in September. That proposal is now in limbo as he reportedly weighs whether it would damage his election prospects.” POLITICO

YOUR MOMENT OF ZEN … NPR: “U.S. Arrests Money-Laundering Expert For Laundering Money”

IMPEACHMENT COUNTER-PROGRAMMING — Reps. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) and Doug Collins (R-Ga.) will be honored with the 2019 Javits Prize for Bipartisan Leadership at 9 a.m. today in the Capitol for their work on criminal justice reform. The late Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) will also be honored with a Lifetime Achievement Award.

MEDIAWATCH — BUZZFEED’S BEN SMITH on the quiet succession drama on Eighth Avenue: “What’s Really Happening At The New York Times”: “[Q]uestions about the future are playing out in the beginnings of an intense but decorous (that is, Timesian) campaign to replace Executive Editor Dean Baquet, whose retirement, per Times tradition, is due before his 66th birthday, in September 2022. Baquet laid out some of the pressures in a recent interview with the Guardian: Young staffers who ‘want a more political New York Times than I’m willing to give them’ and empowered subscribers who are paying for the paper to ‘take a full-bodied side’ against Donald Trump — and whose interest might depend on that.

“The decision whether to accommodate those pressures, or to resist them, is ultimately up to the publisher, A.G. Sulzberger. And the campaign for the top job is expressed, right now, primarily by the three leading candidates leading their sections in slightly different directions. …

“If you talk to people inside the building, the three main candidates … are three white men in their early- to mid-fifties who run major chunks of the publication: Joe Kahn, James Bennet, and Cliff Levy. They are classic Timesmen of their generation: East Coast–bred (Boston, Washington, New York), Ivy League–educated (Harvard, Yale, Princeton), star reporters and bureau chiefs (Beijing, Jerusalem, Moscow), whose ambition nobody doubts.” BuzzFeed

The Texas Tribune’s Emily Ramshaw and Amanda Zamora are stepping down as editor-in-chief and chief audience officer to “to build a new national nonprofit news organization aimed at giving women — all women — the facts, tools and information they need to be equal participants in democracy and civic life.” Thread announcing their departure

— TRONC’D — “Tribune Publishing’s largest shareholder, Michael Ferro, sells 25% stake to hedge fund Alden Capital,” by Chicago Tribune’s Robert Channick

— “Sarah Isgur joins conservative media startup as staff writer,” by Daniel Lippman: “Sarah Isgur, who served as top spokesperson for the Justice Department for former Attorney General Jeff Sessions, is joining the new conservative media company The Dispatch as a staff writer. … She will remain a CNN analyst.” POLITICO

— “1A Host Joshua Johnson Is Leaving For MSNBC,” by DCist’s Mikaela Lefrak: “Joshua Johnson said Tuesday he would step down as host of WAMU and NPR’s national radio show 1A to join MSNBC as an anchor early next year. … His last time in the host chair will be on Dec. 20.” DCist

Send tips to Eli Okun and Garrett Ross at politicoplaybook@politico.com.

SPOTTED: Rep. Seth Moulton (D-Mass.) at Slipstream in Navy Yard. Pic

SPOTTED at an advance screening of “Dark Waters” at the Motion Picture Association of America on Tuesday night: Mark Ruffalo, Rob Bilott, Gillian White, Jane Fonda, Marty Baron, Reps. Dan Kildee (D-Mich.), Harley Rouda (D-Calif.) and Madeleine Dean (D-Pa.), Mark Favors, Urmila Venugopalan, Heidi Przybyla, Janice Page and Ann Hornaday.

SPOTTED at an advance screening of “A Beautiful Day in the Neighborhood” at Sony Pictures Entertainment’s new D.C. federal affairs office Tuesday night: Sens. Bob Casey (D-Pa.) and Pat Leahy (D-Vt.), Reps. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) and Nanette Diaz Barragán (D-Calif.), Pat Conroy, Lamar Smith, Cameron Normand, Keith Weaver, Terri McCullough, Sally Quinn, Heather Podesta, Rita Braver and Bob Barnett, Todd Dupler, Chris Crawford, Craig Roberts and Lauren Moore.

TRANSITION — Andrea Hailey is now acting CEO of Vote.org. She previously was founder and CEO of Civic Engagement Fund and was a longtime Vote.org board member.

ENGAGED — Colin Hart, VP of crisis and issues management at FleishmanHillard, and Rebecca Stevens, a first grade teacher at Brooklyn Arbor Elementary School, got engaged at their apartment in Brooklyn on Sunday. They celebrated at Have & Meyer in Williamsburg with risotto and champagne.

WELCOME TO THE WORLD — Sunlen Serfaty, a CNN congressional correspondent, and Alexis Serfaty, director of global public policy at Access Partnership, welcomed Exton Rhodes Serfaty on Monday night. He came in at 9 lbs, 1 oz, and 21 inches, and joins big sister Roosevelt. Pic Another pic

BIRTHDAY OF THE DAY: Cecelia Prewett, managing director at SKDKnickerbocker, a Hill and FTC alum and an ethics professor. A trend she thinks doesn’t get enough attention: “Aside from California, the U.S. is woefully behind on privacy. I work in crisis and litigation communications, and many of the problems we deal with stem from this issue.” Playbook Q&A

BIRTHDAYS: Joe Biden is 77 … John Bolton, who just rejoined United Against Nuclear Iran, is 71 … Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) is 6-0 … Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) is 4-0 (h/t Randy White) … Judy Woodruff, anchor and managing editor of PBS NewsHour … Charlie Cook, editor and publisher of the Cook Political Report and an analyst for National Journal and NBC, is 66 … Beth Foster (h/ts Teresa Vilmain) … POLITICO’s Sushant Sagar, Ian Kullgren, Dan Goldberg, Jing Sun, Mayo Rives and Jack Koppa … Ian Levin … Phil Ewing, national security editor at NPR … Jay Lefkowitz is 57 … Ron Suskind is 6-0 … CNN producer Ryan Struyk … Jayne Sandman, co-founder and co-CEO at the Brand Guild … Julie Hyman, Yahoo Finance anchor, is 43 … Parita Shah (h/ts Ben Chang) … Shawn Hils … Devorah Adler … Brand USA’s Peter Dodge …

… Robert Edmonson, COS of Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s congressional office, is 35 … Beverly Hallberg, president of District Media Group … Emma Farnè … Aaron Harison of The Washington Free Beacon … Carlton Owen … Boyd Bailey … Brian Reisinger, president and CEO of Platform Communications and founder and president of Hilltop Strategies, is 35 … Cassie Gerhardstein … Emily Matthews, associate at SCRB Strategies … Courtney Corbisiero, national digital organizing director for the Biden campaign … National Geographic’s Jeff Amster … John Darnton … Ciara Torres-Spelliscy … Nikki Buffa Marutsos, counsel at Latham & Watkins … Alex Navarro-McKay, managing director at BerlinRosen … Edelman’s Alexis Weiss … New Hampshire state Rep. Al Baldasaro

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Workplace bully Get ready for the circus http://employeerightsnews.com/workplace-bully-get-ready-for-the-circus/ Sat, 07 Dec 2019 04:18:32 +0000 http://employeerightsnews.com/?p=14 Workplace bully

WE TEXTED A DEMOCRAT ON TUESDAY who is on the HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE and asked what the biggest challenge is for the panel as they pick up the impeachment mantle from House Intelligence Chairman ADAM SCHIFF (D-Calif.). This person texted us back a gif of clowns dancing in a circle.

THAT IS AN APT DESCRIPTION of one of the big dynamic shifts going into today. The Intelligence Committee is a tight panel of 22 lawmakers who have been hand-selected by their leadership to oversee the agencies involved with the nation’s deepest secrets. The JUDICIARY COMMITTEE is nearly twice as big — 41 lawmakers — and is chockablock with some of both parties’ most colorful and partisan figures.

REPUBLICANS have a ranking member in Rep. DOUG COLLINS (R-Ga.) who is vowing to use procedural tactics and verbal flourishes to slow the whole thing down. Privately, COLLINS’ allies are saying he won’t dive down the clownish conspiracy rabbit holes that some of his colleagues on Intel did.

DEMOCRATS PREVIEWED THE HEARING TUESDAY, and said it’s going to be pretty academic. They’ll talk about the roots of impeachment, and its historical context. The people who are testifying today have written academic textbooks. If you’re looking for the fire of a Fiona Hill or a Marie Yovanovitch, you won’t get it. The most TV-friendly character will be NORM EISEN, the Democratic attorney who is now working for the panel.

BUT WE KNOW HOW THESE HEARINGS ARE GOING TO GO. Right? It’s now perfectly clear that both sides are working from different fact sheets. Republicans refuse to stipulate to any of the facts Democrats have dredged up, and won’t even acknowledge if they are facts in any way, shape or form. AS OUR FRIEND KATY TUR said on MSNBC the other day, “It’s snowing outside, but they’re saying it’s sunny and 90 degrees.” More from Melanie Zanona on the Republican bomb throwers on the committee

THE BIG NEWS OUT OF THE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE’S REPORT … NYT: “The phone records also detail at least half a dozen calls between Mr. Giuliani and a number associated with the White House’s Office of Management and Budget. At the president’s request, beginning in early July — if not sooner — that office froze $391 million in military assistance, congressional witnesses testified.

“Mr. Giuliani insisted on Tuesday that he had nothing to do with withholding funding for Ukraine, and any conversations he had with the budget office involved other matters. ‘I never discussed military assistance,’ he said. ‘I am expert on so many things it could have been some very esoteric subject.’” NYTPOLITICO’s highlightsThe 300-page report

— RIGHT, BUT … Giuliani was the president’s lawyer. He had no role in budgeting — which is OMB’s chief charge. We’ve known lots of people who have cycled in and out of OMB over the years. None of them has ever said they worked with Giuliani on anything. If he wanted to clear this up, he could — and quickly.

WHAT’S ON JERRY NADLER’S MIND … HEATHER CAYGLE and SARAH FERRIS: “House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler had a blunt message as he privately addressed Democrats the day before his panel assumes a starring role in the impeachment inquiry.

“‘I’m not going to take any shit,’ Nadler said in a closed-door prep session Tuesday morning — a rare cuss word from the lawyerly Manhattan Democrat that prompted some lawmakers to sit up in their chairs, according to multiple people in the room.

“Nadler’s warning shot referred to likely GOP antics to try to undermine the first impeachment hearing in the Judiciary Committee on Wednesday. But it wasn’t lost on Democrats that Nadler’s message could also apply to those in his own party who have closely scrutinized his role in the House’s impeachment probe.

“While President Donald Trump may be under investigation, Nadler will be on the hot seat. The veteran lawmaker has at times struggled to balance the competing interests and expectations of his caucus and leadership on an impeachment push that once sharply divided the party. Those internal tensions have largely faded, with Speaker Nancy Pelosi and her caucus unified around evidence that Trump abused his office by pressuring Ukrainian leaders for his own political gain.” POLITICO

“Dems launch next impeachment phase: The case for Trump’s removal,” by Kyle Cheney and Andrew Desiderio

SENATE PUSHBACK …

“Folksy John Kennedy gets serious pushback on Ukraine mess,” by Marianne LeVine and Burgess Everett

— WAPO’S BOB COSTA and KAROUN DEMIRJIAN: “GOP embraces a debunked Ukraine conspiracy to defend Trump from impeachment”: “Much of the Republican Party is pressing ahead with debunked claims about Ukraine as they defend President Trump from possible impeachment, embracing Russian-fueled conspiracy theories that seek to cast blame on Kyiv rather than Moscow for interference in the 2016 U.S. election.” WaPo

ANITA KUMAR and DARREN SAMUELSOHN: “Trump’s impeachment participation strategy: Insult, sit out, wait”

Good Wednesday morning. NEW … House Minority Leader KEVIN MCCARTHY will sit down with JAKE and ANNA next Thursday morning for a Playbook Breakfast in D.C. The event is exceedingly timely, since the House is likely to be in the middle of the government funding and impeachment debates. The event will bet at 9 a.m. at the W Hotel downtown. RSVP

FROM LONDON … POLITICO EUROPE’S EMILIO CASALICCHIO: “Boris Johnson holds late-night chat with Donald Trump”: “Boris Johnson and Donald Trump snuck in a quick private meeting Tuesday evening with little fanfare ahead of a NATO leaders’ meeting in London Wednesday. The U.K. prime minister and U.S. president discussed the importance of the military alliance and the need for unity to address evolving threats during a head-to-head in Downing Street.

“Johnson wants to avoid appearing too close to his U.S. counterpart, who is deeply unpopular in Britain, for fear it could scupper his chances in the country’s general election next week. That could explain why the meeting was not announced in advance.”

— “As impeachment inquiry rages at home, Trump unsettles the world stage at NATO,” by WaPo’s Ashley Parker, Phil Rucker and Michael Birnbaum in London: “On the first day of the NATO 70th anniversary summit in London, Trump pronounced, prodded and pushed America’s allies into a state of unbalance — seizing the global stage to both bully and banter, all while keeping himself at the center of attention. To watch Trump perform alongside other world leaders was to witness his use of disequilibrium as political strategy, deployed throughout his presidency to keep everyone slightly off-kilter.

“Over the course of three one-on-one meetings with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, [Emmanuel] Macron and [Justin] Trudeau, Trump turned what were expected to be brief photo opportunities into his own personal daytime cable show. As the other leaders largely bore witness, the U.S. president — frequently affable, occasionally bored — held forth for a collective two hours, fielding questions on topics ranging from the impeachment investigation he left at home to the British election campaign he flew into here.” WaPo

— CLIP DU JOUR: Johnson, Macron and Trudeau caught on camera mocking Trump. Via Ian Bremmer

2020 WATCH …

— “The spectacular collapse of Kamala Harris,” by Christopher Cadelago: “Kamala Harris’ pummeling of Joe Biden in the first Democratic debate was a career highlight-reel moment that no candidate has matched in the campaign. Those five minutes, like the Senate committee hearings where Harris stared down bumbling Trump officials, captured the promise of the let-it-rip ex-prosecutor who’d launched her run five months before in front of 22,000 supporters with moving rhetoric and great expectations.

“On Monday, hemorrhaging cash and way down in polls — and with autopsies of her failing campaign being performed on the live body — Harris mercifully decided to drop out. She told her staff in a call Tuesday, sounding clearly disappointed, according to one participant, as she shared her decision to bow out.

“Even when the hype around Harris was at its apex, her advisers and confidants wondered if the freshman senator was ready for a presidential run. In each of her past campaigns — first for district attorney of San Francisco, then California attorney general and the Senate in 2016 — Harris improved immensely, rising to the moment and giving her best performances when her back was against the wall.

“This time, the moment — and the stage — proved too large. Kamala the campaigner couldn’t live up to Kamala the idea. And her campaign let her down.” POLITICO

— MORE KAMALA POST-MORTEMS: “Home-state skepticism of Kamala Harris foretold trouble,” by AP’s Steve Peoples, Kathleen Ronayne and Errin Haines in Sacramento, Calif. … L.A. TIMES’ GEORGE SKELTON in Sacramento: “Kamala Harris should have never run for president”

— THE LOCAL FALLOUT: “California up for grabs as Harris exits race,” by Carla Marinucci and Jeremy B. White in San Francisco: “Kamala Harris could never personally lock down California as a presidential contender. But the senator’s supporters are warning that her former rivals would be foolish to underestimate Harris’ clout in her home state.

“‘Where do Californians who supported Kamala go now? First, they go into mourning. And then, they go into watching how people are reacting — because the rest of the field just got a big boost,’ says Christine Pelosi, the daughter of Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the chair of the California Democratic Party Women’s Caucus, which cheered Harris’ entry into the 2020 race. ‘If they’re gleeful about it, that will be a real turnoff.’” POLITICO

— NATASHA KORECKI and MARC CAPUTO in Mason City, Iowa: “Biden struts as rivals bite the dust”: “Joe Biden’s feeling awfully confident these days. The former vice president thinks he doesn’t need Barack Obama to win the primary. He seemed to mock the idea that there’s enthusiasm for Elizabeth Warren or that Pete Buttigieg came up with his own plans. And he professed to be untroubled by the possibility of Mike Bloomberg dropping $1 billion to beat him out for the nomination.

“Biden is dripping with confidence as he tours through Iowa two months before the state’s caucuses, after endless predictions his candidacy would crumble by now. Instead, the candidates who pitched themselves as Biden alternatives are the ones dropping.” POLITICO

FIRST IN PLAYBOOK: AMY KLOBUCHAR has hired veteran Iowa political operative NORM STERZENBACH as her campaign’s Iowa caucus adviser. The former executive director of the Iowa Democratic Party most recently served as Beto O’Rourke’s Iowa state director.

TRUMP’S WEDNESDAY — The president participated in an official welcome with Stoltenberg and Johnson at 9:20 a.m. local time. He also participated in a NATO plenary session. Trump is scheduled to have a bilateral meeting at 12:30 p.m. with German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Afterward he will have a working lunch with what the White House calls the “NATO 2%ers.”

TRUMP will participate in a bilateral pull-aside with Danish PM Mette Frederiksen at 2 p.m. Afterward, he will meet with Italian PM Giuseppe Conte. Trump will participate in a press conference at 3:30 p.m. He and first lady Melania Trump will depart at 4:20 p.m. en route to Washington.

MUELLER FALLOUT — “Prominent Political Donors Charged in Campaign Finance Scheme,” by NYT’s Daniel Victor: “An influential political power broker who was a witness named in the Mueller report was among eight people charged with conspiring to conceal the source of excessive contributions to groups supporting Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, the Justice Department announced on Tuesday.

“Prosecutors say George Nader, a Lebanese-American businessman who was a cooperating witness in Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, conspired with Ahmad ‘Andy’ Khawaja, the owner of an online payments company, to conceal more than $3.5 million in donations to the groups. The donations let Mr. Khawaja gain access to Mrs. Clinton during the campaign, and he also visited with President Trump in the Oval Office, according to an investigation by The Associated Press last year.” NYTThe DOJ announcement

— DOJ’s other catch of the day: “Former CEO Convicted of Fixing Prices For Canned Tuna”

VALLEY TALK — “Larry Page steps down as CEO of Alphabet, Sundar Pichai to take over,” by CNBC’s Lauren Feiner: “Alphabet CEO Larry Page announced Tuesday that he will step down from the position. Google CEO Sundar Pichai will take over as CEO of the parent company in addition to his current role. Co-founder Sergey Brin will also step down as president of Alphabet and the role will be eliminated.” CNBCPage’s announcement

MEDIAWATCH — Michele Norris is now a contributor and consultant at WaPo’s opinion section. She previously founded the Race Card Project and was a host of NPR’s “All Things Considered.” Announcement Vincent Manancourt is now a tech reporter for POLITICO Europe in Brussels. He previously was deputy editor at Global Data Review, Law Business Research. Talking Biz News

… Nicole Bamber is now director of communications at the Smithsonian Channel. She previously handled comms for Vox Media. … Paola Ramos is joining Vice News as a correspondent. She previously “hosted Latin-X, a Vice series focused on under-reported stories about the Latinx community.” Deadline

— NUNES SUES CNN … CNN’s VICKY WARD and KATELYN POLANTZ: “Rep. Devin Nunes is disputing claims made by the lawyer of an indicted associate of Rudy Giuliani regarding an alleged trip he made last year.

“The lawyer, Joseph Bondy, said his client, Lev Parnas was told by a former Ukrainian prosecutor about a meeting with Nunes in Vienna last year to discuss efforts to dig up dirt on former Vice President Joe Biden.

“Nunes, the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, denied the claim in a defamation lawsuit filed in federal court in Virginia against CNN, which first published the assertions made by Bondy. The suit was filed on the same day that the House Intelligence Committee issued a report on its impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump.” CNN

— “Fox News personalities continue to stump for GOP candidates,” by WaPo’s Paul Farhi: “[B]ehind the scenes, the network appears to have to gone to considerable effort to stop its on-air personalities from promoting Republican events and causes. Network executives have intervened to cancel a long string of fundraising appearances that were to have featured Fox News figures, according to people at Fox, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe its internal operations.”

Send tips to Eli Okun and Garrett Ross at politicoplaybook@politico.com.

SPOTTED: Sean Spicer in an Orangetheory class in Alexandria on Tuesday. … Aaron Schock working on his biceps at the Gold’s Gym in Arlington on Monday. Pic

SPOTTED at a party for Rick Stengel’s new book, “Information Wars: How We Lost the Global Battle Against Disinformation and What We Can Do About It” ($17.69 on Amazon), hosted at Katherine and David Bradley’s house Tuesday night: Sam Feist, Michael Crowley, Heather Podesta, Josh Lipsky, Linda Douglass and John Phillips, Carol Joynt, Margaret Carlson, Molly Ball, Patrick Steel, Fred Kempe, Graham Brookie and Rainesford Stauffer, Sofia Rose Gross, Sally Quinn, Neera Tanden and Jane Harman.

FIRST IN PLAYBOOK — INTERIOR ARRIVAL LOUNGE: Kevin O’Scannlain is joining the Interior Department as counselor, covering energy and environment issues. He previously was senior associate counsel in the White House counsel’s office.

TRANSITIONS — Danielle Kantor is joining the Hub Project as managing director of digital. She previously was director of battleground comms at Priorities USA and is a Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama campaign alum. … Ryan Thompson is launching Live Oak Strategies, a boutique government relations shop. He previously was COS to Rep. Ron Wright (R-Texas) and former Rep. Joe Barton (R-Texas), and has organized the Congressional Baseball Game for years. …

… Peter Albrecht is now an SVP at A|L Media. He most recently was VP at DSPolitical and is a Bully Pulpit Interactive and New Partners alum. … Sydney Fincher is joining Anheuser-Busch as manager of federal government affairs. She previously worked for Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) on the Senate Judiciary Intellectual Property Subcommittee. … Ellen Valentino is joining Cornerstone Government Affairs as a senior consultant in Annapolis. She previously was president of Valentino-Benitez & Associates.

WELCOME TO THE WORLD — Bree Raum, VP of federal affairs for the American Wind Energy Association, and Dan Turton, senior adviser for the House Rules Committee majority, welcomed Beck Brady Turton on Monday. He came in at 8 lbs, 13 oz and 21 inches, and joins older siblings Shaw, Lane, Mason and Smith. Pic Another pic

BIRTHWEEK (was Tuesday): Hope Harvard of the White House Office of Legislative Affairs

BIRTHDAY OF THE DAY: Kevin O’Neill, Arnold & Porter partner and co-chairman of the legislative group, is 5-0. How he’s celebrating: “A quiet, school-night dinner with Patty, John and Kate. My wife, Patty, and I share a birthday week, so Saturday night we are having an ’80s costume party with friends in Williamsburg that I hope will keep me out well past my normal bedtime.” Playbook Q&A

BIRTHDAYS: Jackie Kucinich, Washington bureau chief of The Daily Beast and a CNN political analyst … Rep. Francis Rooney (R-Fla.) is 66 … Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-Calif.) is 83 … Rep. Kevin Hern (R-Okla.) is 58 … Al Hunt, columnist and co-host of the “2020 Politics War Room” podcast, is 77 … NPR’s Danielle Kurtzleben … “PBS NewsHour” senior coordinating producer Anne Davenport … Bill Murat, COS for Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) … Lis Buck … Nate Beecher … Mike Stratton (h/ts Teresa Vilmain) … Koch Industries’ Nick Gass is 3-0 … Craig Brownstein … Rachael Lighty of Amazon … Peter Freeman … CNN’s Suzanne Malveaux … Ashley (Nerz) Levey, comms at LinkedIn … Tyquana Henderson-Parsons … CNBC’s Whitney Ksiazek … Cesi Covey … Colin Rogero, partner at 76 Words, is 41 … Claire Lucas … McDermott Will & Emery’s Sarah Schanz, who recently married Jeremy Iloulian — pic

… Meghan Patenaude Bauer is 29 (h/t husband Zach Bauer) … Sarah Paulos … Jennifer Taub … Campbell Marshall … Marina McCarthy (h/t Jeff Solnet) … former Transportation Secretary Mary Peters is 71 … Richard Hohlt … Jennie Westbrook Courts, VP at the Information Technology Industry Council … Andrew Shult, digital director at the American Investment Council, is 32 … Yesenia Chavez … Jon Fleischman … Bain’s Matthew Bevens … Shelbi Warner … Louisa Keeler … Sarah Baron, deputy director of the states team for Elizabeth Warren’s campaign … Kate Folmar, deputy secretary for external affairs at the California Health and Human Services Agency … Joe Britton … Leigh Strope … WaPo’s Jennifer Hurley … Nancy Rose Senich … Leslie Rhode … Laura Derby … Brian Svoboda … Steen Hambric … Meg Badame, communications specialist at the VA … Sean Gagen

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